Bullying of people with Special Educational Needs with or without disabilities is a reality, being one of the most affected groups. This study presents the data obtained in a European Erasmus+ project in which 96 young people and adults with SEN/D from four countries participated: Ireland, Spain, Italy, and Portugal. Firstly, a questionnaire was passed to see the general knowledge of these people in relation to bullying. Then a training program was carried out and finally the questionnaire was passed again (...) to see if the data improved. From the data it appears that people with SEN/D lack skills, knowledge, and resources to deal with bullying. After the completion of the training program the data obtained from the questionnaire improved in many respects. Sometimes people with SEN/D are not aware that they are suffering from this type of situation due to lack of knowledge, so it is necessary to continue implementing training programs to help improve this situation. (shrink)

Este trabalho tem como propósito central expor uma das aspirações mais caras à filosofia de Espinosa: a liberação da faculdade de julgar, tanto como perspectiva hermenêutica como em seu significado político. A partir deste conceito, pretendese reconstruir alguns tramos do programa do filósofo, sempre enfático a respeito da liberdade, tanto no âmbito ético como no político, e os diversos significados que esta tem em sua obra. Há uma liberdade concebida sub specie aeternitatis e uma liberdade sub specie durationis? A (...) questão leva a estabelecer a relação que este filósofo tem com as coisas do mundo político, sempre movido a partir de paixões e interesses e, frequentemente, afastado de um sentido virtuoso da liberdade. Sem abandonar as aspirações de um sentido superior da liberdade, o autor sustenta que Espinosa se propõe examinar o problema da liberdade em um contexto no qual há mais prejuízos que idéias adequadas, mais temores que esperanças, mais superstição que sabedoria. (shrink)

Parsa-Parsi et al systematically discuss and elucidate contentious and non-controversial ethical issues that emerged during the ICoME (International Code of Medical Ethics) revision process and the consensus they achieved. The ethical issues discussed include the physician’s duty to act in the best interests of patients and to ensure they are protected from the unjustifiable risk of harm, respect for patient autonomy and the duties of physicians during emergencies, among others. This paper examines paragraph 26, which requires doctors to provide only (...) medically justified remote treatment, ensure patients offer informed consent and adequately protect their confidentiality.1 At the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, many countries in Europe and America implemented remote-by-default healthcare policies. At that time, the policy aimed to ensure that patients enjoyed continued access to care while protecting healthcare professionals’ health and well-being. After the COVID-19 pandemic, this policy remained in place. Regardless of the nature of their ailment, patients have consistently preferred in-person care out of concern that their health issues might not be accurately diagnosed and that they may not receive quality care …. (shrink)

Background:The high level of satisfaction of users of a health service is largely due to the fact that they receive excellent care from healthcare professionals. Compassionate care is an essential...

La paradójica Revolución francesa sigue siendo objeto de estudio y fascinación en nuestra época, y mucho más ahora, en estos tiempos de aguas revueltas en la política, de populismos a diestra y siniestra, de confusiones ideológicas e ignorancias y olvidos de la más elemental cultura democrática, así como de los entramados históricos que nos han costado nuestras libertades. Por eso, se agradece que el profesor Francisco Javier Espinosa Antón haya traducido y editado con mimo una excelente antología de textos (...) de uno de los personajes más emblemáticos -aunque menos conocido- de aquel proceso revolucionario, Anacharsis Cloots, defensor de una República universal y comprometido con la Revolución, pero que acabaría siendo guillotinado en 1794, engullido por el terror de Robespierre. ¿Cuáles fueron los avatares en su vida que lo llevaron al ardor revolucionario? En realidad, se llamaba Joannes Baptista Cloots, barón de Gnadenthal, nacido en 1755 en el castillo del mismo nombre y propiedad de su familia, de estirpe holandesa y católica, dedicada a las fianzas e instalada en Prusia. Eligió el nombre de Anacharsis, por ser el de un filósofo escita que conoció la república ateniense y defendió el ideal de la unificación de Grecia, Escitia y Oriente, allá por el siglo VI a.c. Ese mismo impulso republicano y universalista será el motor de todos los discursos de Cloots. Culto, cosmopolita, estuvo presente en París inmediatamente después de la toma de la Bastilla, y en la capital francesa vivió intensamente aquellos turbulentos años. El hecho concreto que marcó su entrada en la escena política fue el siguiente: el 19 de junio de 1790 accedió a la Asamblea nacional encabezando un grupo de 36 extranjeros, y sus palabras fueron: "Venimos de Europa, venimos de Asia, venimos de América. Somos la Humanidad". El discurso de Cloots causó una viva impresión y fue bautizado como "el orador del género humano". En 1792 obtuvo la nacionalidad francesa, al igual que Paine, Bentham o Washington. A continuación fue elegido diputado de la Convención y se publicó su obra más destacada, La República universal. Sus discursos enardecidos, de lenguaje 568 Pilar Benito Olalla Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 22, nº 43. Primer semestre de 2020. Pp. 567-570. ISSN 1575-6823 e-ISSN 2340-2199 https://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2020.i43.28 directo y pegados a la más viva actualidad, tenían un amplio eco en sus conciudadanos. Pero las disensiones e intrigas dentro del grupo jacobino al cual pertenecía se convirtieron en una trampa mortal. Y la sombra alargada del paranoico Robespierre tendió sus redes para acusarlo de "ser barón, alemán y rico, traidor y conspirador contra la República", como muy bien nos cuenta el profesor Espinosa Antón. Un juicio injusto condujo derecho al patíbulo a este jacobino prusiano, galófilo y ateo. (shrink)

El autor expone algunas de las preocupaciones más importantes de la sociología jurídica y la política italiana de las tres últimas décadas. Entre sus temas han destacado especialmente dos: la forma-Estado y la pragmática de la libertad. Se estudia principalmente la instauración de un nueva “gramática” de los derechos. Concretamente analiza las aportaciones de F. Cassano (1988). Destaca la existencia de dos estrategias sobre la ciudadanía. Una se corresponde con el aumento del peso de la política en la determinación de (...) los derechos. Se trata de lo que llama el “modelo mimético”, caracterizado por asumir un marco de referencia de los derechos ya definido por el mismo sistema. Pero también existe un “modelo recursivo”, que acentúa la posibilidad de la comunicación y se centra en el debate sobre el neocontractualismo y la justicia distributiva. Ambas estrategias están enmarcadas dentro de unos procesos de positivación y de procedimentalización. La realización de los derechos queda desplazada, sin embargo, a niveles más indiferenciados. Desde esta perspectiva habría que insistir en el descubrimiento de la separación entre regla y decisión. (shrink)

El autor expone algunas de las preocupaciones más importantes de la sociología jurídica y política italiana en las tres últimas décadas. Entre sus temas han destacado especialmente dos: la forma-Estado y la pragmática de la libertad. Se estudia principalmente la instauración de una nueva "gramática" de los derechos. Concretamente analiza las aportaciones de F. Cassano (1988). Destaca la existencia de dos estrategias sobre la ciudadanía. Una se corresponde con el aumento del peso de la política en la determinación de los (...) derechos. Se trata de lo que llama el "modelo mimético", caracterizado por asumir un marco de referencia de los derechos ya definido por el mismo sistema. Pero también existe un "modelo re-cursivo", que acentúa la posibilidad de la comunicación y se centra en el debate sobre el neocontractualismo y la justicia distributiva. Ambas estrategias están enmarcadas dentro de unos procesos de positivación y de procedimentalización. La realización de los derechos queda desplazada, sin embargo, a niveles cada vez más indiferenciados. Desde esta perspectiva habría que insistir en el descubrimiento de la separación entre regla y decisión. (shrink)

'Computationalism' is a relatively vague term used to describe attempts to apply Turing's model of computation to phenomena outside its original purview: in modelling the human mind, in physics, mathematics, etc. Early versions of computationalism faced strong objections from many (and varied) quarters, from philosophers to practitioners of the aforementioned disciplines. Here we will not address the fundamental question of whether computational models are appropriate for describing some or all of the wide range of processes that they have been applied (...) to, but will focus instead on whether `renovated' versions of the \textit{new computationalism} shed any new light on or resolve previous tensions between proponents and skeptics. We find this, however, not to be the case, because the 'new computationalism' falls short by using limited versions of "traditional computation", or proposing computational models that easily fall within the scope of Turing's original model, or else proffering versions of hypercomputation with its many pitfalls. (shrink)

A widespread need to explain the behavior and outcomes of AI-based systems has emerged, due to their ubiquitous presence. Thus, providing renewed momentum to the relatively new research area of eXplainable AI (XAI). Nowadays, the importance of XAI lies in the fact that the increasing control transference to this kind of system for decision making -or, at least, its use for assisting executive stakeholders- already affects many sensitive realms (as in Politics, Social Sciences, or Law). The decision-making power handover to (...) opaque AI systems makes mandatory explaining those, primarily in application scenarios where the stakeholders are unaware of both the high technology applied and the basic principles governing the technological solutions. The issue should not be reduced to a merely technical problem; the explainer would be compelled to transmit richer knowledge about the system (including its role within the informational ecosystem where he/she works). To achieve such an aim, the explainer could exploit, if necessary, practices from other scientific and humanistic areas. The first aim of the paper is to emphasize and justify the need for a multidisciplinary approach that is beneficiated from part of the scientific and philosophical corpus on Explaining, underscoring the particular nuances of the issue within the field of Data Science. The second objective is to develop some arguments justifying the authors’ bet by a more relevant role of ideas inspired by, on the one hand, formal techniques from Knowledge Representation and Reasoning, and on the other hand, the modeling of human reasoning when facing the explanation. This way, explaining modeling practices would seek a sound balance between the pure technical justification and the explainer-explainee agreement. (shrink)

I INTRODUCTION: RESPECT, EQUALITY AND THE AUTONOMY OF MORALITY We often invoke a notion of respect to express our sense of human equality. ...

El presente texto, no busca abarcar el impacto de las nuevas tecnologías en el ejercicio del Derecho en nuestro país, probablemente la tecnología puede llevar a la cristalización de ideas maravillosas para impartir justicia de manera pronta y oportuna, sin embargo se pueden avizorar ciertas amenazas y peligros en su implementación, cuando a nivel mundial se plantean métodos de solución de controversias virtuales y juzgados digitales mediante la inteligencia artificial, aquello que se pensaba por la humanidad en un futuro muy (...) lejano, esta realidad toma fuerza en el sector justicia. (shrink)

The article analyzes the definitions of the personnel motivation known in the literature. It also shows that all the definitions describe the personnel motivation as a continual and permanent process of forming and providing the incentives from the enterprise to its employees. This process is aimed to promote the employees to complete the tasks of the company. The questioning method was used to study the motivation factors of the employees of different ages at the certain enterprise. The necessity of consideration (...) of the age factor for improving the motivation system of the personnel at the enterprise was explained. The defects of the existing system at the enterprise were formulated. The recommendations for managers were made as follows: 1) to identify the goals of the company and to inform the employees about them; 2) to develop a system of key performance indicators of the efficiency of the company and to use them to measure the results of the activity of the enterprises, departments and each participant of the work process; 3) to use scientific methods to monitor the situation with the personnel at the enterprise; 4) to improve the reward system; 5) to have the wage and labor correlation criteria. (shrink)

Everyone, even when asserting unchallengeable authority from God or Science, thinks in language, in words and phrases, in expressions of moral, social and political impact, fighting words and words with and over which we fight. However, debates among the educated can be irrelevant elsewhere, ineffective against the highly motivated whose dogma instructs and guides them, their voting and their arming. The degeneration of “democracy” to “tyranny” such as Plato’s Republic postulated threatens in some lands “of the free,” while in others (...) it seems inexorably in progress. Today “democracy,” republic,” “liberty/freedom,” “justice,” “law and order” are adduced by their actual enemies to complement “nationalism,” “patriotism,” and frightening “empire.” Extremists on both sides decry “Tyranny!” each in fact seeking authoritarian power. All of which have instructive ancient precedents: in the History of the Peloponnesian War Thucydides offers horrific accounts of ancient nation-states “long ago and far away,” more or less democratic, that abandoned common sense, moral sense, and with them regard for value words and truth itself. In the early 2020s CE many persons and governments have done little better during the still lingering pandemic. A second horror is prompted by Thucydides’ report of civil war on Corcyra, telling how faction spawned riots, coups d’état, and outright civil war. The twenty-first-century media are uniquely potent, yet mechanics of seduction are timeless. Likewise techniques for winning true believers and votes, as illustrated by passages in Mein Kampf on the language of propaganda, its production and reception. Our hope is therefore Education for a New Era to help students to discover pitfalls of media(ted) “information,” to achieve independent critical thinking at levels of basic language use and foundations of argument. Besides recognizing mis- and disinformation as harmful, they must learn themselves to judge thoughtless use, cynical abuse, or, worse yet, brazen disdain of vocabulary indicating moral/ethical value. Scientists have key roles in this drama; humanists larger ones yet. (shrink)

ArgumentThis paper analyzes the public fasts of two Italian “hunger artists,” Giovanni Succi and Stefano Merlatti, in Paris in 1886, and their ability to forego eating for a long period (thirty and fifty days respectively). Some contemporary witnesses described them as clever frauds, but others considered them to be interesting physiological anomalies. Controversies about their fasts entered academic circles, but they also spread throughout the urban public at different levels. First, Succi and Merlatti steered medical debates among physicians on the (...) “scientific” explanations of the limits of human resistance to inanition, and acted as ideal mediators for doctors’ professional interests. Second, they became useful tools for science popularizers in their attempt to gain authority in drawing the boundaries between “orthodox” and “heterodox” knowledge. Finally, in the 1880s, Succi and Merlatti’s contest, the controversy around the liquids they ingested, and their scientific supervision by medical doctors, all reinforced their own professional status as itinerant fasters in a golden decade for that kind of endeavor. For all those reasons, Succi and Merlatti can be viewed as useful, epistemologically-active charlatans. (shrink)

The most documented juridical studies about hispanic woman in the late Middle Ages, belong to three specialities: political law, civil or common law (matrimonial), and criminal law. It is in the sphere of matrimonial law where the influence of christian principles has been described as prominent, contributing to the juridical conjugal parity, thus recognizing woman a full civil capability.

The Ibero-American Conference is a forum for dialogue, consultation and cooperation in which the observance of human rights is an essential principle. These rights are an area of action of the Ibero-American system. The instruments adopted by the Conference and other Ibero-American instances provide political and legal indications in the field of human rights that must be developed through initiatives, actions, programmes and agendas of cooperation. Social rights deserve special attention at the Ibero-American Summits. All this should have an influence (...) on the positions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, particularly when it deals with cases in which are affected economic, social and cultural rights, as it has been done in the wake of recent judgments on the matter. The work of the Ibero-American system in the fields of migration and culture will be of particular interest to the Inter-American Court in determining the content and scope of the rights recognized and protected in the inter-American system. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Rhetoric of Philosophical Politics in Plato's Seventh LetterV. Bradley LewisThe name Syracuse has come to stand as an emblem of the problematic relationship between philosophy and politics. While the sources1 differ on specifics, we can be confident that Plato visited there at least three times between 387 and 362 B.C. On his first trip, during the reign of Dionysius I, he became acquainted with Dion, the tyrant's brother-in-law. (...) When the elder Dionysius died, Dion, a devotee of philosophy, apparently contrived for the old man's son, namesake, and successor to invite Plato back, believing that the young tyrant could be philosophically educated and convinced to lay down tyranny in favor of a new regime based on the rule of law. The plan was defeated, however, by a combination of Dionysius's dissolute life and opposition by Dion's enemies at court. Dion was exiled, and Plato returned to the Academy. Dion implored Plato to return to Syracuse on the basis of reports of Dionysius II's renewed resolution to take up philosophy and by the tyrant himself (who seems to have made some thinly veiled threats against the still-exiled Dion). Plato's second visit to Dionysius was no more successful than the first, however, and he considered himself fortunate to have escaped with his life. After a meeting at which Plato recounted the events of his final trip, Dion marshaled an expeditionary force, which included volunteers from the Academy, and set out to expel Dionysius II by violence. The effort succeeded, but the new regime was itself riven by faction, and Dion was assassinated in 353.2The principal legacy of this ill-starred episode is contained in the letters that have come down to us under the name of Plato, particularly those numbered seven and eight. Scholarly discussion of Plato's Seventh Letter has usually focused on three questions: the doctrinal content of the letter and its relationship to the doctrinal content of the dialogues; the character of the letter as an apologia for Plato's Syracusan activities; and the general authenticity of the letter. While the second of these questions focuses correctly [End Page 23] on the rhetorical character of the letter, it ignores the most obvious aspect, namely, the letter's explicit addressees: the friends and comrades of Dion, and their request for political advice. If we take this rhetorical element with sufficient seriousness, we will see that the content of the letter is fully consistent with the teachings of the political dialogues, a point that tells in favor of the authenticity of the letter. Specifically, a focus on the rhetorical character of the letter reveals that its content is determined mostly by what emerges as an effort by Plato to influence his correspondents by moderating their understandable desire for vengeance and thus to forestall further bloodshed and disorder in Syracuse. What is most important about the letter, then, is not so much its account of Plato's actions in Syracuse, but its unveiling of his intentions with respect to Dion's followers. It is not the philosophical-political blueprint, sketched vaguely in the Seventh Letter, that is most important,3 but the concrete effort to mitigate the passions of his correspondents. Read in this light, the letter becomes even more important, since it contradicts the popular image of Plato as a proponent of dangerous political utopianism and portrays a more subtle relationship between philosophy and politics.1. Dion's intentions, Plato's apologyTo the extent that the rhetoric of the letter has been treated, commentators have usually focused on Plato's (or whoever the author) defense of his own actions in Sicily.4 While there is certainly warrant for this approach, the most important fact about the letter concerns its intended audience, the "relatives and comrades of Dion."5 As Plato explains in the opening of the letter, these are the men who have sought not only his advice, but his cooperation in completing the political project halted by Dion's death at the hands of several of his other purported "allies."The most striking feature of the rhetorical structure is that, while the letter... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Rhetoric of Philosophical Politics in Plato's Seventh LetterV. Bradley LewisThe name Syracuse has come to stand as an emblem of the problematic relationship between philosophy and politics. While the sources1 differ on specifics, we can be confident that Plato visited there at least three times between 387 and 362 B.C. On his first trip, during the reign of Dionysius I, he became acquainted with Dion, the tyrant's brother-in-law. (...) When the elder Dionysius died, Dion, a devotee of philosophy, apparently contrived for the old man's son, namesake, and successor to invite Plato back, believing that the young tyrant could be philosophically educated and convinced to lay down tyranny in favor of a new regime based on the rule of law. The plan was defeated, however, by a combination of Dionysius's dissolute life and opposition by Dion's enemies at court. Dion was exiled, and Plato returned to the Academy. Dion implored Plato to return to Syracuse on the basis of reports of Dionysius II's renewed resolution to take up philosophy and by the tyrant himself (who seems to have made some thinly veiled threats against the still-exiled Dion). Plato's second visit to Dionysius was no more successful than the first, however, and he considered himself fortunate to have escaped with his life. After a meeting at which Plato recounted the events of his final trip, Dion marshaled an expeditionary force, which included volunteers from the Academy, and set out to expel Dionysius II by violence. The effort succeeded, but the new regime was itself riven by faction, and Dion was assassinated in 353.2The principal legacy of this ill-starred episode is contained in the letters that have come down to us under the name of Plato, particularly those numbered seven and eight. Scholarly discussion of Plato's Seventh Letter has usually focused on three questions: the doctrinal content of the letter and its relationship to the doctrinal content of the dialogues; the character of the letter as an apologia for Plato's Syracusan activities; and the general authenticity of the letter. While the second of these questions focuses correctly [End Page 23] on the rhetorical character of the letter, it ignores the most obvious aspect, namely, the letter's explicit addressees: the friends and comrades of Dion, and their request for political advice. If we take this rhetorical element with sufficient seriousness, we will see that the content of the letter is fully consistent with the teachings of the political dialogues, a point that tells in favor of the authenticity of the letter. Specifically, a focus on the rhetorical character of the letter reveals that its content is determined mostly by what emerges as an effort by Plato to influence his correspondents by moderating their understandable desire for vengeance and thus to forestall further bloodshed and disorder in Syracuse. What is most important about the letter, then, is not so much its account of Plato's actions in Syracuse, but its unveiling of his intentions with respect to Dion's followers. It is not the philosophical-political blueprint, sketched vaguely in the Seventh Letter, that is most important,3 but the concrete effort to mitigate the passions of his correspondents. Read in this light, the letter becomes even more important, since it contradicts the popular image of Plato as a proponent of dangerous political utopianism and portrays a more subtle relationship between philosophy and politics.1. Dion's intentions, Plato's apologyTo the extent that the rhetoric of the letter has been treated, commentators have usually focused on Plato's (or whoever the author) defense of his own actions in Sicily.4 While there is certainly warrant for this approach, the most important fact about the letter concerns its intended audience, the "relatives and comrades of Dion."5 As Plato explains in the opening of the letter, these are the men who have sought not only his advice, but his cooperation in completing the political project halted by Dion's death at the hands of several of his other purported "allies."The most striking feature of the rhetorical structure is that, while the letter... (shrink)

This debate, I shall argue, has everything to do with Aristotle. Aristotle raises the charge of epiphenomenalism himself against a theory that seems to have close affinities to his own, and he offers what has the makings of an emergentist response. This leads to controversy within his own school. We find opponents ranged on both sides, starting with his own pupils, several of whom are stout defenders of epiphenomenalism, and culminating in the developed emergentism of later commentators. Aristotle’s theory and (...) the debate that ensued are thus quite relevant to contemporary discussions. But first we need to get clear on terms. (shrink)

Aristotle not only formulates the problem of intentionality explicitly, he makes a solution to it a requirement for any adequate theory of mind. His own solution, however, is not to be found in his theory of sensation, as Brentano and others have thought. In fact, it is precisely because Aristotle regards this theory as inadequate that he goes on to argue for a distinct new ability he calls "phantasia." The theory of content he develops on this basis (unlike Brentano's) is (...) profoundly naturalistic: it is a representational theory, formulated in terms of the causal powers and physical magnitudes of the body. (shrink)

This study examines the impact that research and development (R&D) intensity has on corporate social responsibility (CSR). We base our research on the resource-based view (RBV) theory, which contributes to our analysis of R&D intensity and CSR because this perspective explicitly recognizes the importance of intangible resources. Both R&D and CSR activities can create assets that provide firms with competitive advantage. Furthermore, the employment of such activities can improve the welfare of the community and satisfy stakeholder expectations, which might vary (...) according to their prevailing environment. As expressions of CSR and R&D vary throughout industries, we extend our research by analysing the impact that R&D intensity has on CSR across both manufacturing and non-manufacturing industries. Our results show that R&D intensity positively affects CSR and that this relationship is significant in manufacturing industries, while a non-significant result was obtained in non-manufacturing industries. (shrink)